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Senator Mary Landrieu (Democrat - Louisiana)

Voting Record -- Impeachment Trial of William (Bill) Jefferson Clinton


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Violated oath of impartiality by voting to dismiss the trial without allowing the House Managers to present their case.
Voted for a mock trial without deposing witnesses.
Voted for a mock trial without even videos of witnesses.
Voted for a mock trial without presentation of transcripts or video of witness testimony.
Made trial a sham without any live testimony.
Voted for a mock trial without closing arguments.
Voted to give the defense advance notice of the House Manager's closing arguments.
Allowed Mr. Clinton to get away with perjury.
Allowed Mr. Clinton to get away with obstruction of justice.

Statement Taken From U.S. Senate Web Site February 25, 1999

This section is taken verbatim from the official web site of Senator Landrieu, except for editorial comments by Daniel Weyrich in square brackets of the form [DLW-- ] and minor touch-ups to the HTML.

Upholding the Constitution

Two weeks ago the Senate took up the somber Constitutional task of sitting in judgement of a president in an impeachment trial. Throughout the trial, I have limited public comment to underscore the impartiality I have brought to this process. Both sides have now spoken and I have reviewed all of the evidence as required by the Constitution. My decision has been made: the actions of President Clinton, while wrong, indefensible and reckless, do not meet the Constitutional standards for removal from office. Therefore I have voted to dismiss the Articles of Impeachment against the President.

From the start, I have tried to focus on what the Framers of the Constitution had in mind when they carefully crafted the Impeachment Clause. It is important to remember that for more than 100 years the colonies suffered under the thumb of the tyrannical kings of the English monarchy. A principle goal of the Framers was to have a mechanism to protect the populace from corrupt and oppressive leaders.

In the Federalist Papers, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison argued that impeachment be used only for `distinctly political offenses against the state.' Our Founders were trying to guard against tyranny and oppression, and not personal actions no matter how reprehensible. More than 700 noted legal and historical scholars, both conservative and liberal, agree with this constitutional interpretation of the impeachment clause.

The Founders were also rightly concerned that impeachment might be employed as a partisan tool to undermine, even destroy, high ranking government officials-- especially the President. They worried a `powerful partisan majority' might misuse it for public gain. The House impeachment vote, which essentially fell along party lines, is troubling. Such partisanship was absent during the Watergate proceedings. At that time Republicans and Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee joined together to vote for impeachment because the evidence showed crimes were committed against the government.

I also voted against calling witnesses because it is clear that a complete and fair trial can and should be conducted on this voluminous and well-publicized record. Our nation deserves to be spared this protracted spectacle, particularly at a time when public disillusionment of government is at an all-time high and issues like Social Security, education and international crises demand our immediate attention.

Critics of this position will somehow believe that President Clinton has avoided punishment. On that issue, let me make two points. First, the power of impeachment was never meant to punish the president, but to protect the nation. Second, the president has already suffered by his reckless behavior and, unfortunately, so has his family. In addition, criminal charges could be brought against him once he leaves office, and he is still subject to civil charges. Worst of all, his inappropriate and reckless behavior and the subsequent breach of public trust will cast a permanent shadow over his other notable accomplishments and will forever tarnish his presidential legacy.

In 1868 Senator James G. Blaine voted to convict and remove Andrew Johnson, the only other president to be impeached. Twenty years later he said he had made a `bad mistake' and recanted. Upon further reflection he realized that the charges did not warrant the `chaos and confusion' of removing President Johnson from office. Likewise, these charges do not warrant the `chaos and confusion' that could occur should our last presidential election be overturned.

At the conclusion of this trial, I plan to cosponsor a strong censure resolution of President Clinton concluding that his conduct in this matter has brought shame and dishonor to himself and the Office of the President. In my opinion, it would bring a sensible end to this regrettable chapter in American political history. Finally, the ultimate political judgements will be made by the people in future elections. And the lasting judgement will be made by the only One who can.


Historical document in the public domain; Annotations Copyright © 1999 Daniel Weyrich

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Last updated: March 02, 1999; Version: 1.3